The obvious contrast, at least in the UK, is between alcohol and tobacco.
In the latter, in the not-too-distant past, tobacco companies had similar
amounts of joy in government and public circles: funding scientific research;
arguing that the link between smoking (and then passive smoking) and ill health
was not proven; and portraying the issue as one of individual choice based on
their thoughts on the evidence and how they might way it up against their enjoyment
of smoking. Key strides were made in tobacco control when the evidence on harm
(from smoking and passive smoking) were ‘set in stone’ within government and stated
unequivocally to the public. A good example is in health education before and
after tobacco company influence. In the heyday of smoking (when men were men),
the public health advice was overshadowed by tobacco advertising. It was also
more likely to be harm reduction in nature – e.g. smoke pipes rather than
cigarettes (not too long after companies introduced healthful (not really) filtertips
and moved from high to low tar). Then, the health advice changed markedly to
reflect a ‘no safe level’ message (as in the health advice suggesting that a
move from high to low tar was like jumping from the 38th floor of a building
rather than the 39th).
Now, in my day, as an undergraduate, we might try to interpret that sort
of story in terms of early insights on Power by people like Bachrach and Baratz. Power is not simply about visible conflicts in which one group wins and
another loses (such as in a policy debate in government). Rather, groups may
exercise power to reinforce social attitudes (perhaps to make sure that the
debate does not get that far). If the weight of public opinion is against
government action, maybe governments will not intervene. In this case, if the
vast majority of people think that moderate alcohol consumption is healthy (or
not harmful), they may not support control measures that affect the whole
population. In fact, it is a measure of public health group success that it even *occurs* to us to consider the issue. Still, a key part of the minimum-unit-price debate is that it
punishes responsible drinkers as much as problem drinkers. This will not be
such a powerful argument if the vast majority of the public begins to believe
that we are *all* problem drinkers (well, apart from me – I don’t touch the
stuff). See also: http://paulcairney.blogspot.co.uk/2013/06/why-is-there-more-tobacco-control.html
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